Part Time Job Influenced Students Study Essay Example for Free

Part Time Job Influenced Students Study Essay The prevalence of secondary school students working part-time is linked to economic cycles: when there is an economic upturn, more students work; when economies are depressed, fewer work. Most students who work do so in low-paying service, clerical, or sales jobs, with some evidence that proportionately more students from middle-class families work than students from either poor or wealthy families. There appears to be a general view that there is a connection between working more than 15 to 20 hours per week and reduced school success in terms of academic achievement, as well as an increased risk of dropping out of school. However, it is not clear whether increased work causes the problems, or whether academic failure leads more students who are failing to increase their work hours. Literature Review A range of literature has been reviewed and some details from this literature are shared below. The prevalence of work It is not clear what proportion of students work, but in a (U. S. ) study of 21,000 senior high school students, 75% were working part-time for an average of 16. 4 hours a week (Gordon, 1985). The study found that working was related to a need for immediate income and to a lack of interest in school. In Canada, 40% of teenagers aged 15 to 19 had jobs in 1993, but these data include full-time summer jobs (Canadian Social Trends, Winter, 1994). B. C. teenagers are more likely to be employed than teenagers in Ontario, Quebec, or the Atlantic provinces, with 44% employed in B. C. Slightly higher teenage-employment rates than B. C. ’s were reported in Manitoba, Saskatchewan, and Alberta. When only part-time work is considered, 72% of those employed worked part-time. 3% of full-time Canadian students aged 15 to 19 worked during the school year. The Statistics Canada (StatsCan) data reported in Canadian Social Trends appear low in comparison to other data, but one possible explanation may be the differentiation between full- and part-time students, a difference not always clarified in some reports. Bernier (1995), using Canadian Labour Force data, found that 40% of Canadian full-time students participated in the labour force, compared to 77% of part-time students. There may be considerable differences across socio-economic groups, though there is little firm data to support this: Lawton (1992) states that middle-class students are more likely to work than either lower- or upper-class students. Lawton also indicates that about two-thirds of students in senior grades hold part-time jobs, findings closer to Gordon’s study than to the data supplied by StatsCan. The effect of working part-time on students’ academic achievement Most research shows that there is a detrimental effect on achievement if secondary students work for over 15 hours a week (Stern, 1997). Such students have lower grades, do less homework, are more likely to drop out, and are less likely to enter post-secondary education. Those students who work fewer hours suffer fewer negative consequences. These finding are supported by a Toronto study (Cheng, 1995), and are similar to StatsCan data (Canadian Social Trends, 1994), which show that students who worked fewer than 20 hours a week had much lower dropout rates than those who worked for more than 20 hours a week. There were startling differences between males who worked fewer than 20 hours (16% dropout rate), and those who worked longer than 20 hours (33% dropout rate), although the highest female dropout rates (22%) occurred among females who did not work at all while at school. There is one important caveat to the link between part-time work and marks: there is mixed evidence as to whether marks decline because students work more, or whether students whose marks are declining choose to work more. However, Singh (1998) in a study which factored in socio-economic status and revious achievement, stated that the more hours worked, the greater the negative effects on student achievement. The consequences for younger students working longer hours could be more severe than for older students (Barone, 1993). Many students who work find some problems balancing school and work demands (Worley, 1995). Many who work part-time have limited participation in extra-curricular activities (Hope, 1990). The effect of working part-time on students’ overall well-being Stern (1997) and Cheng (1995) both state that students derive benefits from working, as long as the hours are below 15 per week. Stern identifies a benefit to future earning potential and a more positive attitude to work formed while working or during work experience at school. These findings are also supported by Canadian data. However, Lawton (1992) argues that those who support this argument also tend to support a vocational rather than a liberal view of education. Greenberger and Steinberg (1986), in an analysis of psycho-social aspects of working high-school students, concluded that it may make them academically rich but psychologically poor. They also argued that instead of instilling good work habits, many students who worked part-time learned how to cheat, steal, and deal with boring work. Mortimer (1993) found no evidence to support the claim that working long hours fostered smoking or increased school behaviour problems, but there was evidence of increased alcohol consumption. Other studies, however, have found increased drug and alcohol use, and higher rates of delinquency associated with higher num ber of hours worked by students. A 1991 Oregon Task Force found the numbers of 16- and 17-year-olds who were working to have increased in recent years. Jobs were often low-paying, unfulfilling, and offered little in the way of educational value or preparation for adult work. Canadian data suggest that trends in teenage employment are linked to economic cycles, with numbers rising and falling with buoyant or depressed economies. Most Canadian students (69%) work in service, clerical, or sales industries, with more females (84%) than males (57%) in these industries. Four times the number of males (16%) compared to females (4%) were employed in construction. Research also indicates that too many hours of work for teenagers increases fatigue and may cause lower academic performance. Carskadon (1999) describes changing sleep patterns during adolescence and discusses the influence of employment on sleep patterns. She found that students working 20 or more hours reported later bedtimes, shorter sleep times, more frequent episodes of falling asleep in school, and more late arrivals in school. An article in the American Federation of Teachers’ publication, American Teacher (February 1999), cited a report produced by the (U.  S. ) National Research Council (NRC) and the Institute of Medicine (IOM) which provided evidence of what it claims is an underestimate of 70 documented deaths of children and adolescents as a result of injuries at work, and 100,000 young people seeking treatment in hospital emergency wards as a result of work-related injuries. Based on these data, a committee established by the NRC/IOM is calling for Congress to a uthorize limits to the number of hours worked per day by teenagers, and to regulate teenagers’ work start-and finish-times on school nights.

Comparison of Kafkas Metamorphosis and Dalis The Metamorphosis of Narcissus :: comparison compare contrast essays

Comparison of Kafka's Metamorphosis and Dali's The Metamorphosis of Narcissus      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The painting that I chose to compare to the novel Metamorphosis, by Franz Kafka, was painted in 1937 by Salvatore Dali.   Dali is an established Surrealist painter, who, like Kafka, explored his own psyche and dreams in his work. Dali invented a process, called the "paranoiac critical method", which is used in this painting, to assist his creative process.   As Dali described it, his aim in painting was "to materialize the images of concrete irrationality with the most imperialistic fury of precision...in order that the world of imagination and of concrete irrationality may be as objectively evident...as that of the exterior world of phenomenal reality."1      Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The rich landscape, seems to be limitless in detail.   Dali rendered every detail of this landscape with precise accuracy, striving to make his paintings as realistic as possible.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   In Greek mythology, Narcissus was a beautiful young youth, who fell in love with his own reflection, and then drowned while trying to embrace himself.   His body was never recovered, but a flower, which was named after him was.   The left side of this painting shows the kneeling Narcissus, outlined by the craggy rocks of what could only be Cape Creus's. On the right side of the painting, the scene has morphed into a more idyllic and classical scene, in which the  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   kneeling Narcissus has become the statue of a hand, holding a cracked egg, from which emerges The Narcissus flower.      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   This painting reminded me of the first chapter of Metamorphosis, where the main character, Gregor Samsa, first realizes that he is confronted with a ludicrous fate in the form of a gigantic insect.   In both Kafka's and Dali's work, I noticed that they both implement a certain "receding" technique.   Dali tends to put an object (In this case, Narcissus) In the foreground, and the background of the painting tends to be very crisp and detailed, yet unimportant, compared to Narcissus. I feel the same way about Gregor, I see Kafka writing this story with mainly Gregor in mind, as the main character and narrator.   Kafka puts this puzzled victim in the story as a clerk, yet that element of the story tends to receded in to the plot of the story.

Barriers to Democratization in China

This article presents and enlightens the rationale for the failure of China in establishing a democratic system. Such topic is broad and extensive apparently because it attempts to explain the natural flow of democratization with relation to China that has yet to establish a democratic system. This also endeavors to enhance the understanding of democratization process on a certain country.The whole presentation of barriers to Chinese democratization is divided into phases and provides analytical framework in the further understanding of the nature of democratization process.Such phases are consisting of several factors which serve as the subordinate topics in demonstrating the impacts of these factors on Chinese democratization. Chinese Democratization Chinese democratization is of immense importance, both practically and theoretically. Although it is only one country, China represents between one-fifth and one-fourth of the world’s population. According to Rummel (1991), â₠¬Å"due to the undemocratic systems in twentieth-century China, millions suffered from political persecution and died unnatural deaths.† For example, more than twenty million starved to death in the famine of 1959–61. As late as 1989, hundreds of unarmed civilians were mowed down in the capital city of Beijing. Democracy may not work miracles, but it can avoid such tragedies (Rummel 1991). Presenting Barriers to Chinese Democracy I. Historical Legacy and Democracy This part of the article presents the assessment of the potential impact of historical legacy on the process of democratization in China. The general conditions, political thoughts, and political traditions go under this first factor.It initially looks at how some general conditions constrain Chinese political development and compares political thoughts with modern democracy and examines the way democratic or undemocratic Chinese political traditions were. Historical legacies are not of equal importance. Some a re trivial and transitory, such as people’s dress. Others are substantial and stable, such as people’s ways of treating one another. Modern democracy resulted from the interaction between Western traditions and modernization.Given China’s different historical path and its low level of modernization, its democratization process was in the grip of its historical legacies. By focusing on general conditions, political thoughts, and political traditions, this chapter suggests that China’s historical legacies pose a challenge to the democratization process. The vast territory and diverse conditions always create problems for governability and participation in traditional times. A long history tends to foster a cynical view of politics, just as a short history may facilitate an idealistic view of politics.A huge population not only decreases people’s incentive for participation, but also renders it difficult to change the rules of the game. China’s relative isolation from the West cost the Chinese the opportunity to learn from a great and dynamic civilization. All these forms formidable force of inertia that slows down and even blocks attempts to adopt new systems and habits in China. Indeed, few Western thoughts before the modern time were democratic, but the Athenian political and intellectual experiences, the Roman conception of citizenship and law, and Christianity’s conception of humanity did facilitate democracy as we know it today.By contrast, Confucianism, Legalism, Mohism, and Taoism contained some democratic elements, but none qualified as being democratic because of their failure to advocate popular sovereignty and individual liberty. As the dominant ideology in China, Confucianism was paternalistic in preaching benevolence and propriety. Despite its good intentions, its differences from democracy were huge. Kant’s remark that paternalism is the worst form of tyranny contains some truth. What further separates China from the West is their political traditions. Feudalism had dominated the West for a long time.It was characterized by its lack of equality, liberty, and a powerful central government. It deserves mentioning that not until the early 1860s were serfdom and slavery abolished in Russia and the United States, respectively. Against this historical background, the middle class in the West not only demanded equality and freedom denied by feudal systems, but also attempted to limit the rising power of the central government after the decline of feudalism. By contrast, traditional China witnessed a great deal of socioeconomic equality and freedom.Chinese political and economic systems allowed for a high level of social mobility. So the call for freedom and equality appealed less to the Chinese than to the Europeans. Compared with its European counterparts, the Chinese government was powerful. Theoretically, all the land and people belonged to the emperor. But China’s va st territory and traditional technology softened the impact of a bureaucratic empire. There were both enlightened and despotic rulers in Chinese history. When tyranny accompanied socioeconomic hardship, the Chinese exercised their right of rebellion.As a result, Chinese history seemed to be trapped in a â€Å"dynastic cycle. † Without modernization and foreign contacts, China might have found it difficult to break this cycle. II. Local Forces and Democracy During the second half of the 19th century, China experienced the decline of central power in contrast to the rise of many countries like the U. S. , Italy, and Prussia. In particular, the Taiping Rebellion which endured from 1851-64 had affected almost all the provinces in China proper, devastated its most prosperous regions, and had cost 20 to 40 million people dead.What further undermined the central power was the Nien Rebellion in the north from 1851 to 1868, the Miao Rebellion in the southwest from 1855 to 1872, and th e Moslem Rebellion in the northwest from 1862 to 1878. Collectively, these are referred to as local forces that decisively affect the democratization process in the Republican era. The establishment of the republic did not imply that the Chinese were willing or able to maintain democracy. Before the 1911 Revolution, most Chinese had no preference for democratic republicanism, and those who advocated democracy treated it less as an end than as a means to national power and wealth.But the revolution ruled out the possibility of establishing a new monarchy in China and ushered in the era of republicanism. The entire Republican era was mainly shaped by the shifting balance of power between the central government and local forces. Since the mid–nineteenth century, foreign powers and local forces had undermined the Manchu regime. During the 1911 Revolution, the independence of provinces doomed the Qing dynasty. Since the local forces continued to threaten the new republic, a strong man was needed to rule China.Yuan Shih-kai’s fight against disintegration served national interests and commanded widespread support. But his monarchical scheme discredited him, and his death created an opportunity for the rise of warlordism. During the warlord period, the central government not only lost control of local forces, but also was manipulated by powerful warlords. Against this background, the Nationalists cooperated with the Soviet Union to achieve national unification. The rise of local forces was nothing new in China. With its vast territory, regional diversity, and traditional technology, the empire always faced the danger of division.Since the respective authorities of central and local governments were not clearly defined, the central government might have too much or too little power. On balance, the former was a lesser evil than the latter. While rational rulers had little intention to kill the goose that lays the golden eggs, the lack of legitimacy motivat ed local satraps to maximize their profits. The Chinese fear of local forces appeared unwarranted in the eyes of foreigners, but it constituted a self-fulfilling prophecy. Idealizing a unitary system, many Chinese leaders would resort to violence and war for the sake of national unification.Accordingly, the fear of local forces led to war, which in turn justified people’s original fear. If the establishment of the new republic had little to do with the Chinese people’s democratic conviction, partisan conflict, domestic turmoil, and civil wars in the Republican era made the Chinese disillusioned with democracy. Indeed, democracy does not necessarily weaken state power, and no real democracy was put into practice in China. But there is no denying that the early phase of democratization tends to unleash divisive forces. Through legitimating diverse interests democracy risks undermining the central power.Historical examples abound. A weak confederation followed the America n Revolution. Fortunately, the founding fathers opted for a federal system, which struck a balance between central and local powers. Like many other countries, post-Revolution China experienced chaos and civil wars. The Revolution was intended to strengthen state power, but contributed to its further decline. The painful experience in the Republican era convinced the Chinese that a weak and divisive country needed a strong government, and that dictatorship represented a lesser evil than anarchy. III. World System and DemocracyAll countries have been dragged into the world system in the contemporary times. Unfortunately, this foreign system is unbeneficial to weaker countries and a monster that is beyond their control. It is no exaggeration, as Toynbee (1969) declares, to say that their modern history is one of their responses to foreign challenges. Before the end of World War II, China was one of the disadvantaged countries having deplorable status in the effect of world system†™s adversity to democratization processes. Without the modern world system, democratization might not have become an issue in China.However, such a system militated against the process of democratization in the Nationalist era in several ways. First, the nature of the world system was undemocratic, if not antidemocratic. What characterized this system was power politics and capitalism. The former treated might as right; the latter sought profits and ignored equality. To survive in such a world required a strong state, but not necessarily a democratic one. Given China’s low status in the world, the Chinese desired wealth and power rather than democracy.In fact, the Chinese accepted democracy, less because they embraced the value itself than because they saw it as a method to strengthen the state power. Second, liberal democracy was less attractive than it is today. Internal disturbance and foreign threats in 1930s provided the best justification for dictatorship. No wonder t hat the Nationalist government and many Chinese intellectuals found dictatorship both necessary and desirable. Third, the Japanese aggression made the Chinese democratization almost irrelevant.Indeed, the Sino-Japanese War facilitated partisan cooperation, stimulated Chinese nationalism, and helped democratize the world system. But amid foreign aggression, national survival took precedence over the call for democracy and human rights. Equally important, the war catapulted the Communists into formidable power and exacerbated socioeconomic problems the Nationalists had never been able to handle. As a result, a democratic solution to China’s political, economic, and social problems became difficult, if not impossible. Lastly, the Cold War system affected Chinese political development.The victory of the Soviet Union in World War II and the expansion of socialism into East Europe boosted the reputation of socialism in comparison with liberal democracy. Both superpowers wanted to i ncrease their own influence in China and sided with either the Nationalists or the Communists. It was no exaggeration to say that the evolution of the world system made possible the Communist triumph. IV. Socialist Values and Democracy Although the Mao era did well in promoting socioeconomic equality and deserved credit for encouraging mass participation, socialist China did not qualify as democracy as we know it.The one-party rule excluded the possibility for citizens to select rulers. Civil and political rights were ignored, if not flagrantly violated. The house-registration system and class label contravened the principles of liberty and equality. Millions suffered from political persecution. Even among the party itself, powerful struggles were frequent and cruel. What was worse, the Communists did not deliver on their own material promise. Living standards in Maoist China barely increased. In explaining the lack of democracy in China, one cannot ignore the role of Mao.It was Mao who hastened the socialist transformation, led the AntiRightists Campaign, initiated the Great Leap, encouraged the people’s communes, reversed the sensible guidelines of the Eighth Congress, and launched the Cultural Revolution. Without him, Chinese socialism would have taken different shape. But even without him, there would have been little chance for socialist China to be democratic. Authors like Berger (1993) and Almond (1991) believe that â€Å"the reality is that although countries with market economies have not necessarily been democratic, all democracies have coexisted with market economies†.Advocates of socialism see no contradiction between socialism and democracy. Ralph Miliband, for example, maintains that â€Å"socialist democracy would embody many of the features of liberal democracy, including the rule of law, the separation of powers, civil liberties, political pluralism, and a vibrant civil society, but it would give them much more effective meaning . It would seek the democratization of the state and of society at all levels (Miliband p. 117). This theoretical possibility has not yet translated into reality.C. B. MacPherson is more sophisticated in arguing that although existing socialist countries do not guarantee political freedom, this does not imply that socialism inevitably conflicts with democracy. He attributes the socialist failure in this respect to three specific factors. According to MacPherson (1973), â€Å"socialist countries were established in underdeveloped countries; they faced the hostility of Western powers; and their birth in revolution or civil war entailed the restriction of freedom. †The conflict between socialism and democracy cannot merely be explained by historical circumstances, but should be explained by the nature of both socialist revolution and the socialist system. By aiming at abolishing private property, socialist revolution inevitably invites the strongest opposition from all ruling an d propertied classes. As a result, socialists have to rely on violence to achieve their objective. Moreover, many scholars, like Belden (1949) and Talmon (1960) find the socialist preference for collective over individual rights to be at the root of totalitarianism.As early as 1848, Tocqueville stated that â€Å"democracy extends the sphere of individual freedom; socialism restricts it. Democracy attaches all possible value to each man; socialism makes each man a mere agent, a mere number. Democracy and socialism have nothing in common but one word: equality. But notice the difference: as quoted in Hayek (1972) that â€Å"while democracy seeks equality in liberty, socialism seeks equality in restraint and servitude. † The dictatorship of the proletariat may intend to serve the vast majority of the people, but it bodes ill for democracy and human rights.Lenin defines dictatorship as â€Å"nothing more or less than authority untrammeled by any laws, absolutely unrestricted by any rules whatever, and based directly on force† (Lenin p. 353). Socialists’ emphasis on class character ignores humanity and individuality, and their call for class struggle damages the social fabric. By dehumanizing class enemies, they tolerate and even extol the abuse of human rights. Not least of all, even if socialist rulers are well intentioned, a socialist economy provides the best pedestal for despotism.Public ownership and planned economy enable an all-powerful state to control people’s livelihood, to limit their freedom, and to foster their passivity and fear. V. Economic Development and Democracy Deng Xiaoping’s Era Deng’s reform policy was less political democratization than economic development. Nevertheless, close relations between these two processes determined that he had an important role to play in the process of democratization (Shambaugh 1995). Economic development and political democratization are both desirable, but they somet imes compete and even conflict with each other.Deng’s preference for economic development over political democratization was understandable. Human beings are more economic animals than political ones. Democracy appeals less to poor people in poor countries, and Deng’s political liberalization further decreased the Chinese desire for democracy. Deng first instituted the responsibility system in the countryside and later abolished the commune system. At the same time, he did his best to integrate China into the outside world. The success in rural reform shifted Deng’s attention to urban reform.Despite its limitations, the economic reform increased the people’s living standard, boosted the private sector, substituted a market economy for a planned economy, and internationalized the Chinese economy. All these had positive impacts on democratization, because they reduced the state power over the society, expanded an autonomous economic realm, decreased the eli te’s interest in seeking political power, and motivated better-off and better-educated people to demand more freedom and rights.Economic reforms, however, could not be deepened without political reform. Twice Deng wanted to institute political reforms, but they fell short of expectations. Deng never embraced liberal democracy. For him, democracy represented a means to economic development. When it jeopardized stability and unity, it would be abandoned. But Deng’s political reform received less credit than it deserves. Elections were permitted at local levels. Legal reforms moved China closer to the rule of law. With his administrative reform, old cadres gradually gave way to new technocrats.Although the Chinese did not enjoy positive freedom to participate in government affairs, they were granted negative freedom in their social and economic life. In short, Deng’s political reform represented a change in system rather than a change of system, and was characteriz ed not by democratization but by liberalization and institutionalization. Deng’s economic reform was a two-edged sword, providing more legitimacy to the Communist rule, and causing social unrest and public protests. The 1989 Tiananmen Incident reflected and reinforced the legitimacy crisis.The mass protests originated from people’s dissatisfaction with their economic situations and social injustice, but did not mean that they wanted to overthrow Communist rule. Although the repression temporarily stabilized the situation, the legitimacy crisis became much severer. Like most authoritarian rulers, Deng had no choice but to rely on further economic development to regain legitimacy. Since then, Chinese leaders and people have followed the East Asian model, putting development before democratization.Conclusion All of the above factors presented are apparently legitimate and convincing when it comes to the realities happening in China. These barriers are enough to provide an swers to the issue of China democratization. This presentation provides knowledge with such potential factors and significantly deepens our knowledge of the nature of democratization process in a selected country. References Almond, Gabriel. â€Å"Capitalism and Democracy,† in PS: Political Science and Politics. September 1991: pp. 467–74.Belden, Jack. China Shakes the World. New York: Harper, 1949: p. 504. Berger, Peter. â€Å"The Uncertain Triumph of Democratic Capitalism,† in Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy Revisited. Ed. Larry Diamond and Marc F. Plattner. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993: p. 3. Hayek, Friedrich. The Road to Serfdom. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972: p. 25. Lenin, â€Å"A Contribution to the History of the Question of the Dictatorship. † in Collected Works, 31 (n. d. ): p. 353. MacPherson, C B.Democratic Theory: Essays in Retrieval. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973: pp. 151–52. Miliband, Ralph.  "The Socialist Alternative,† in Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy Revisited. Ed. Diamond and Plattner, p. 117. Rummel, R J. China’s Bloody Century: Genocide and Mass Murder since 1900. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers, 1991. Shambaugh, David, ed. Deng Xiaoping: Portrait of a Chinese Statesman. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1995. Talmon, Jacob. The Origins of Totalitarian Democracy. New York: Praeger, 1960.

Substance Abuse Alcoholics Anonymous, Smart Recovery

Psychoeducational groups relating to additions or substance abuse are designed to assist participants in their stages of change, learn about recovery, provide information to families to understand behaviors, and to assist participants with resources and skills (U.S Department of Health and Human Services, n.d). Psychoeducational groups will support participants and encourage them to take responsibility for their actions. These groups will utilize different methods to replace addictive behavior and practice mindfulness to work on any cognitive impairment that their addiction has produced (U.S Department of Health and Human Service, n.d). In addition, substance abuse or addiction psychoeducational groups provide participants support and peer confrontation. Other members are able to support the group by offering education about what has worked well for them, or what has not work well. The group processes also provides emotional support for members to assist in personal recovery. Formation - Leah There are several different kinds of psychoeducational groups for addictions: Alcoholics Anonymous, Smart Recovery, Nar-Anon, and so many more. Although those these groups may focus on different types of addiction one thing they all had in common to decide how the group was to be formed. Each one group has their own unique why on how it is ran, but according to to Hepworth, Rooney, Dewberry-Rooney, and Strom-Gottfried success of a group rests largely on the thoughtful creationShow MoreRelatedEssay about Substance Abuse Recovery824 Words   |  4 Pageshigh-end substance abuse treatment center does not constitute better treatment. The support of therapists, counselors, family, friends, and peers can all be important factors in the recovery process. The most significant factor for an individual in the recovery process is a desire and a willingness to change. Many options exist for individuals that want to recover from addiction. These options include substance abuse rehabilitation c enters and support groups such as Alcoholics Anonymous and SMART RecoveryRead MoreEssay True Road to Recovery978 Words   |  4 Pages The True Road to Recovery For years, many new and innovative recovery options have sprouted up in response to the growing population of addicts in America. Although each individual program has the same ultimate goal, they each take a different approach. The specific approach taken by each program is what can make or break the success of recovery for an addict. The most popular of these programs are twelve-step programs such as Alcoholics Anonymous. However, twelve-step programsRead MoreThe Problem Of Addiction Recovery892 Words   |  4 Pages Addiction recovery can be broken down into five common phases. The first phase is awareness and acknowledgement of the problem. This can be the most difficult phase, one that many addicts never move past. Denial separates the awareness that using drugs or alcohol has had a negative consequence from the rational and emotional impact that should take place. A common cycle for an addict is denial, rationalization, and justification. It is during this cycle that addicts frequently experience ofRead MoreThe Effects Of Alcoholism On The United States Essay1195 Words   |  5 Pageshim self-asleep. He was so adamant about telling his story because if it wasn’t for the hospital staff he would have lost his life. Alcoholism is an addiction to the consumption of alcoholic liquor or the mental illness and compulsive behavior resulting from alcohol dependency. alcohol is the main common substance abuse in the united states. The reported show over 16.3 million adults over 18 years ol der had a least try alcohol in the life time. 71 percent reported that they drank in the past yearRead MoreSubstance Abuse Among Older Adults Essay1317 Words   |  6 PagesI was surprised to hear that substance abuse is a growing epidemic among our elderly because when I think of the elderly I don’t think falling over on the floor drunk or sitting at a bar knocking drinks back. It really is an â€Å"invisible epidemic†. It was shocking to hear that because of insufficient knowledge, health care providers often overlook substance abuse among older adults and fail to diagnose them correctly. â€Å"Symptoms of substance abuse in older individuals sometimes mimic symptoms of otherRead MoreThe Main Purpose Of Alcoholic Anonymous Essay1153 Words   |  5 PagesThe main purpose of Alcoholic Anonymous (A.A.) is to help members keep an open mind on the subject and can stay sober. Using the 12 steps designed by A.A. assists people to break through their denial and to see the problems alcohol has caused in their lives. The Twelve Steps are the core of A.A’s program of recovery from alcoholism. They are based on the trial-and error experience of A.A’s early members and have worked for millions of alcoholics since then. In recent years, there are about 1.2 millionRead MoreEssay on Alcohol Abuse1701 Words   |  7 PagesUnlike most other substances that can be abused easily, alcohol is the most accessible as you can legally buy it in almost any city or town without interference if you are above the legal age. Easy access to alcohol is a key reason why alcohol abuse and alcoholism is such a common problem in America. In the United States, â€Å"alcohol abuse affects about 10% of women, and 20% of men. † The scary thing about alcohol is that it attracts and affects people from all socioeconomic backgrounds; nobody isRead More Alcoholism Essay2090 Words   |  9 Pagesact of drinking alcoholic beverages especially to excess. Every ye ar alcohol is responsible for 1/2 of all murders, accidental deaths, and suicides; 1/3 of all drowning, boating, and aviation deaths; 1/2 of all crimes; and almost 1/2 of all fatal automobile accidents (Overview 1). Alcohol is a potent nonprescription drug sold to anyone over the national legal drinking age, 21. Unlike carbohydrates, fats, and proteins, which can be manufactured by the body, alcohol is a substance that is not madeRead MorePsy Evaluation Essay11057 Words   |  45 Pagesexam. From Chapter 1: 1. According to Shavelson (2001), author of Hooked, which three words define harm reduction? A. any positive change B. recovery from pain C. a controlled life D. I’m in recovery ANS: B PG1 2. The DSM-5 has made the following change from the previous version of the DSM: A.The term dependence will now be used instead of addiction B. Abuse and dependence are now to be dichotomized C. Specific criteria for diagnosis will no longer be provided D. The term dependence will now b e usedRead More The Dangers of Alcohol and Alcoholism Essay3323 Words   |  14 Pages â€Å"For every family that is impacted by drugs, there are another 10 to 15 families impacted by alcohol abuse. Its a pretty big deal. We have a tendency to only look at part of the puzzle.† (Kevin Lewis). As a society we tend to categorize the severity of addiction in a way that drugs are the most dangerous and alcohol being just a problem. Because alcohol addiction can be a slow progressive disease many people don’t see it in the same light as drug addiction. An addiction to drugs is seen as being